‘he done shot me in my shoulder.’
‘he done shot me in my shoulder.’
I especially love that they’re dubbing this Rally to Restore Sanity, the Million Moderate March. My friends and I have discussed it at Brunch, and I just don’t think I can miss this one. There’s some interesting side-eye commentary from the left. However, I don’t completely agree with Greenwald’s conclusion here. The likelihood that I’ll crown Stewart leader of the ‘moderate movement’ is insulting to rational, discerning adults. But I also didn’t feel comfortable with Stewart equalizing criticism of the Bush Administration’s policies of torture and Iraq invasion with the batshit crazy conservative movement response to Obama’s very existence. Yet, I also see that this is why I’m the target demographic for this ‘rally’. And if I want to abandon this cause, I’ve got options.
Other items of interest:

Japanese American store owner placed sign outside store day after Pearl Harbor. photo by Dorothea Lange - Oakland, California, 1942.
Ann Friedman writes that our culture wars will continue ad infinitum:
Economic strife doesn’t just restart the culture war. It reorders the conflict, shifting both the issues at stake and the targets of the moment. One of the great errors of defining the culture war of the 1980s and 1990s as primarily about women’s and gay rights is that liberals got the idea that this was a war we could win. Just give it time, and Americans would become more LGBT-friendly and more accepting of abortion rights, and we would have somehow mended America’s deepest ideological rifts. In some ways, that is proving true. Affirmative action, welfare, women in the workforce, “political correctness” — these were all once battles in the culture war. Today we have a biracial president. Women’s right to work and be compensated fairly is generally accepted. Each poll on marriage equality is more encouraging than the last. These particular issues are falling off the agenda.
Even as we make progress on specific issues, however, the broader culture war seems to get uglier and uglier. The underlying sentiment that has fueled this conflict from the start –that only certain Americans are “real Americans” who deserve rights and respect — has not gone away.
She’s right. While some of us may have congratulated ourselves on the election of the first African American president (Friedman points back to the 2008 Atlantic issue where Andrew Sullivan declares support for Obama to end “the war within America that has prevailed since Vietnam … a war about war — and about culture and about religion and about race”), many of us failed to recognize the root we need to do in embracing America, the Plural Society. We’ve made some marked improvement in areas of gender and race equality (as evidenced by a recent study on happiness in black americans) yet… The photo above was published on a blog I frequently visit called These Americans. There’s a series of images by photographers from WPA era and beyond, documenting America that is worth exploring. It’s a visual history of how far we’ve come and how far we still have yet to go. Continue reading
There’s nothing and everything to say about this year’s anniversary. For us New Yorkers, September blue skies carry a resonance that the rest of the nation can’t always connect to. It saddens me what they claim to do in our name. I’m not going to go there today. Here’s my post from last year.
Don’t judge me. But I finally found the time to watch this:
Y’all didn’t tell me. Well, maybe you did. Was I paying attention? Perhaps not. What you should have done was anchor my ass to a chair and put the screen directly in front of me.
Understand, I got books to read, lesson plans to write, photos to edit, essays to write, an online journal to edit, all of Season 4 of Mad Men to catch up on… but still, this may have been a priority bit to watch. But that shit is dope. I dig the song, but you know, this girl loves aesthetics and narrative. Like, how we’ve taken key pieces of style (fashion, music) from the last century during uncertain and tumultuous times (WWII and 60s) and mirror them now. We’re searching for a cultural expression for these times… and it’s a pastiche, collage with our post, post modern technology and sensibilities. You may not feel me on this yet. I’ll come back and unpack it for you. I promise.
A hit list of stuff on the interwebs holding my attention for the time being:
These guys from McNally Jackson Booksellers go-in about Frazen’s Freedom. If you’re in the literary/publishing world, you may be over hearing about it. But this exchange is hilarious and insightful.
In another -freude, TAP’s Jamelle Bouie has made war with Kos in his review of American Taliban. It sort of seems like a generational battle baby boomers versus the next generation (X and millenials), but maybe not. But I think it’s healthy to agree to disagree here. I also believe in precision in language. I gotta side with Team Bouie on this one. I see no good in conflating political realities of the Taliban and authoritarianism with our version of democracy. I don’t feel that in the language of drawing parallels between the two regimes serves any useful purpose except promoting a limited point of view of Islam as well as accepting the terms of the conservative movement’s framing and shaping of domestic policy through the prism of a clash of civilizations. I respect a lot of things from Daily Kos and certainly Digby (reading them both as far back as 2003/4). Yet, I have to wonder how much rhetoric inflames the progressive/left base to move towards meaningful action? I want to regain balance too as evidenced by my obsession with our American narrative, but I don’t think using the opponents’ language in persuading the left, center or independents will do a greater good.
Another book I’ll likely read before I read American Taliban or Freedom, is this chronicling of the Great Migration. Continue reading
Russell Banks says so much more eloquently than I but below is a highlight:
After long reflection, I’ve come to believe that the single defining, likened sequence of stories that all Americans, north, south, and meso- share, regardless of our racial characteristics or ethnic cultural backgrounds, the one narrative that we all participate in, is that of the African Diaspora. This I the narrative template against which all others can be measured, fit into, laid over, or veneered onto. It doesn’t matter where in time one enters it –as Faulkner said, “the past isn’t dead, it isn’t even past –or from whose point of view it’s told. For we have all played different roles in that long serpentine story, and depending on our racial characteristics, sometimes we have been victim, sometimes victimizer, sometimes merely horrified, or thrilled, onlooker with something important, and self defining to lose or gain in the outcome. It doesn’t matter where it’s located. Surely by now we know that there is no town, no county, no state in America that has not been profoundly affected by the events, characters, themes and values dramatized by the story of race in America. It opens in the early seventeenth century, and it continues today in all the Americas, an in Europe too, as a late chapter in the Tale of Empire and in Asia as that chapter called the Vietnam War; and in Africa itself, in the chapters that describe and Liberia’s and Sierra Leone’s tragic, ongoing civil wars for instance. And you don’t have to be a prophet to see that, if this is indeed the era of the American Empire, the African Diaspora is a tale with chapters that will be set worldwide, whenever there is an American presence, well into the next century as well. I might go even further and say that if American culture, from McDonald’s to Disney to Nike, in all its subtle and not so subtle manifestations, has come to dominate the New World Order and if there is today no truly creolized society left on this earth—that is, no multiracial society in which power is not dispensed according to its citizens’ racial characteristics—then we might be able to speak of the universality of the African Diaspora as origin-myth. At least for the foreseeable future.
In its essential outline, it’s the story that begins in violence with capture, permanent enslavement, and forced migrations, passes into institutionalized racism and through emancipation rises to a first and false climax, where it undergoes sudden reversals and embittered transformation, withdraws like a wave falling back to gather force and new complexity, and leads eventually in our time to a future vision not of assimilation but of creolization—a strictly American vision in whose light we are led not to the denial of racial difference or to the celebration of either but to a vivid image of its eventual elimination as a means of group identification. Central to that story—the dialectical engine, one might say that drives its plot—is the conflict between the crime of slavery at the beginning and the morality expressed in our sacred documents, the Bill of Rights and the Constitutions; so that ultimately for the conflict to be resolved in favor of that morality (as it must, if we are not to be a nation of criminals) race in America will be seen to have been all along nothing but a social construct. It will be no longer possible to describe a child in racial terms. To say that a child’s skin is ‘black’ or ‘white’ or ‘red’ or ‘yellow’ will be to day noting socially meaningful about him or her. We will have become a true democracy at last, and, who knows, perhaps we can begin then to talk coherently and openly about economics and class. Continue reading